Monday, September 24, 2012

Michel Foucault: Rethinking Repression

Michel Foucault
Foucault: History of Sexuality, volume I
The first volume of Foucault's History of Sexuality seeks to change our understanding of the relationship between sexual pleasure and power.

One way to understand that relationship is as one of opposition. On this model, power seeks to block, quash, silence the expression of sexuality and the experience of pleasure. This oppositional model conforms to a certain image of the Victorians, as straitlaced and determined to exert control over the instincts at all costs.

Yet Foucault wishes to substitute for Queen Victoria two very different figures as the true representatives of this age: the anonymous author of My Secret Life (1505), and a "simple-minded" French villager named Jouy (1510-11).

*In what sense are these two figures more Victorian than Victoria? What does Foucault wish to bring into focus for us by making them into representative figures for 19th century sexuality?

*How, in other words, do they lead Foucault to challenge the oppositional model of power's relation to sexuality described above?

We should start discussing Foucault's arguments about homosexuality on Wednesday as well (with an eye to deepening that discussion on Friday). Foucault makes the curious claim that the "medical category of homosexuality" has its "date of birth" in 1870 (1517).

*What does he mean by this--what originates or changes at around this time in the late 19th century?

Nietzsche and Foucault: Power's Progress
Foucault began writing his History of Sexuality at the height of a brilliant intellectual career devoted to a critical history of science and its institutions. In Discipline and Punish (1975), Foucault had sought to redescribe the nature of how power was exerted over criminals during an era usually thought of as one of liberalization or humanization. Remember that in 1757, one of Burke's ready-to-hand illustrations of the power of real as opposed to imitated suffering was the popularity of public executions (95). This sort of spectacle gradually disappeared from public life over the course of the nineteenth century.

Presidio Modelo prison, Cuba; the centralized
watchtower exemplifies the principle of
Bentham's panopticon
Against a narrative of enlightened progress that would see this as evidence for the waning of human cruelty in the West, Foucault will direct his attention instead to the increasingly pervasive and invasive forms assumed by the exercise. One of his central examples for this was the "panopticon," a prison surveillance scheme--the word translated as "discipline" in Foucault's title is surveiller--devised by the utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham at the end of the 18th century. In the panopticon layout, a centralized observation post has clear lines of cite to each cell arrayed radially around it; the cells, however, cannot see into the observation post. Each prisoner is thus always potentially being watched; the result is that he must act as if he is being watched at all times; discipline becomes internalized, becomes self-discipline. If the nineteenth century emphasis on the "reform" of inmates made punishment less savage than it was in earlier eras of public torture and execution, it also made punishment more intimate, tightened even as it softened its grip.

Foucault's most important predecessor in theorizing these transformations of power was Friedrich Nietzsche: the subtitle to the first volume of History of Sexuality is "The Will to Knowledge" (La volonté de savoir), a clear allusion to Nietzsche's idea of a "will to power" inherent in all life. Foucault's suggestion is that the sciences themselves partake of this will to power. In the selection from The Genealogy of Morality that I've included for you among the suggested readings, Nietzsche insists that the historian of moral life must understand power as opportunistic with regard to social forms. Existing forms are seized upon for new purposes, without regard to the purposes originally intended for them:
the cause of the origin of a thing and its eventual utility, its actual employment and place in a system of purposes, lie worlds apart; whatever exists, having somehow come into being, is again and again reinterpreted to new ends, taken over, transformed, and redirected by some power superior to it; all events in the organic world are a subduing, a becoming master, and all subduing and becoming master involves a fresh interpretation, an adaptation through which any previous "meaning" and "purpose" are necessarily obscured or even obliterated. (77; §12 of the 2nd essay)
In Nietzsche as in Foucault, it's a matter of some uncertainty just whose power is being spoken of here. A critique of the "subject," the metaphysically coherent agent, underlies their critique of social and moral life in the modern era. We'll want to understand this and explore its uses and limits when we discuss the later chapters of Foucault's History of Sexuality on Friday.
Louise Augustine, a patient for hysteria
at the Salpetrière from 1875-80.

Bernini, The Ecstasy of St. Teresa (1652)
"The phenomena of possession and ecstasy... were undoubtedly effects that had got outside the control of the erotic technique immanent in [confession]" (70).


From Lacan to Foucault
Lacan too, of course, is no believer in the integrity of the "subject." For Lacan, language (or signification) itself is the major instrument of power. It not only makes meaning, but also gives law, and the most fundamental law is the law of repression, acceptance of which resolves the Oedipal complex. For Freud, Lacan writes,

the signifier has an active function in determining certain effects in which the signifiable appears as submitting to its mark, by becoming through that passion the signified. This passion of the signifier now becomes a new dimension of the human condition in that it is not only man who speaks, but that in man and through man it speaks (ça parle), that his nature is woven by effects in which is to be found the structure of language[.] (1184)
We submit to the mark of the signifier--elsewhere Lacan explicitly calls this the "mark of the Verdrängung (repression) of the phallus" (1187) or more simply "the law...[of] the father" (1188)--and thus we enter into a reality to which it gives shape. In doing so, we allow it to enter into us, Lacan seems to suggest.

The last part of this quotation may sound, after you've read more of the History of Sexuality, rather Foucauldian in the way it talks about power as permeating the human subject, woven through her and speaking through her. What does Foucault want us to understand about "repression" in his chapter on "The Repressive Hypothesis"? How would he understand the relation of power and pleasure in this passage? How does he understand the role of psychoanalysis in the history that he narrates?


For Friday: a few further questions on Foucault
In parts 3 and 4 of The History of Sexuality, on "Scientia Sexualis" (the science of sex) and "The Deployment of Sexuality," Foucault will elaborate his critique of the repressive hypothesis with reference to somewhat more concrete social practices. I always have the feeling that Foucault is at once repeating himself and making wild leaps in these later chapters, and both are somewhat true: his account of law (pp. 81-91), for example, locates the roots of our modern understanding of power all the way back in the Middle Ages; yet the nature of his critique of law is really just an expansion of his critique of repression, and so the logic of this section should seem familiar even if some of its historical references go rather far afield.

To orient myself in these later chapters, I've found it helpful to seize upon some of Foucault's more resonant sentences and concepts. Here are a few that we might discuss tomorrow -- try to explain for yourselves what's important about the following:

* the distinction, for Foucault, between "sex" and "sexuality" (see 68 and passim)

*the combination of confession and scientific discourse, a major theme of part 3 (58ff)

*the relation of the science of sex to erotic technique (i.e. scientia sexualis to ars erotica)

*"In political thought and analysis, we still have not cut off the head of the king" (88-9)

*"Power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere" (93)

*"the tactical polyvalence of discourses" (100-101)

*"deployment of alliance" and "deployment of sexuality," 106ff.; in relation to this, and more broadly, the role of the family in modern sexuality

A drawing of the female reproductive organs from
 Georg Bartisch, Kunstbuche (1575), as reproduced by
Thomas Laqueur in Making Sex (1990)
I hope the dictionary assignment has proven interesting. If you're having trouble finding words that do seem worth the effort of looking up, here are a few suggestions: the sexual senses of "invert" and "inversion"; homosexual; gay; queer; queen; uranian; sodomy; fetish/fetishist; molly; uterus; vagina; testicle; ovary; hermaphrodite; transvestite; transsexual...

In your comments, feel free to take up any of the questions I've raised above, or to discuss parts of our reading from Foucault that I haven't touched on yet (no shortage of those!).



7 comments:

  1. One part I found interesting in the Foucault text was the example of the eighteenth century secondary schools. He writes: "On the whole, one can have the impression that sex was hardly spoken of at all in these institutions" (1508). But as Foucault continues, the opposite is proven true: "The child was not simply the mute and unconscious object of attentions prearranged between adults only; a certain reasonable, limited, canonical, and truthful discourse on sex was prescribed for him--a kind of discursive orthopedics" (1509).

    As it appears to me, sexuality is the premise of society at this time, especially child sexuality. The suppression of sexuality was not done through the elimination of it, but by in a new way of discussing it. Language, therefore, seems to be the tool by which sexuality was manipulated throughout history. This relates to Foucault's challenging of the oppositional relationship between power and sexuality. Instead of opposition, it seems that power, through the use of language, is actually a way of determining expressions of sexuality. In the case of the schools, authoritative figures constructed an "internal discourse" that would reform and transform child sexuality.

    This manipulative relationship between power and sexuality also seems to reverse, as exemplified through the unknown author of "My Secret Life." The author writes: "a secret life must not leave out anything, there is nothing to be ashamed of... one can never know too much concerning human nature" (1505). I think that the use of language to express sexuality can also manipulate the ways in which power is defined. As the discourse of sexuality shifts from one end of the scale to the other, power also seems to shift.

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  2. I have previously studied Michel Foucault and hopefully I can add some outside knowledge on Foucault to help contribute to understanding this revolutionary text, The History Of Sexuality (which I have previously read Vol. 1 and 2).

    In basic terms, Foucault challenges his readers to rethink how we view Victorian sexuality, i.e. as repressive. Instead, Foucault claims that the Victorian era actually put a huge emphasis on sexuality, by putting sexuality into language and discourse. "Sexuality" isn't something inherent in itself, rather, the idea of sexuality is a construction of historical discourses that are created by the 'object' of science. In very basic terms, during the Victorian era, sexuality was talked about, creating different categories of sexuality-- homosexual, pervert, etc. These categories of sexuality are objective, however, but subjective "realties" of the discourses we create around them.

    Power, therefore, is not perpetuated through repression, but rather is pervasive throughout society. It is not simply handed done from an authority up top, but its everywhere and is built into our relationships, an "interplay of non-egalitarian and mobile relations." Hence, "power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere." Power is in fact more effective when it is less obvious.

    Here, power operates by actually focusing our curiosity on sex, making our sexuality the "locus of truth." Sexuality is just a way of thinking that there is an essence in us that defines us. If you know the core of someone's sexuality, you know the core about themselves. Hence, we must be "watched" to see if we have perverse sexuality, and therefor a perverse essence. Therefore, society was set up to watch the most "at risk," children and women. It was the watching and the constant fear of being watch that helps to set up this control. It wasn't just watching children to see if they committed a bad sexual "act," it was watching out for a certain type of "bad" person. Sexuality was seen as manifesting in certain signs and behaviors. Power acted from everyone watching everyone else, not a single power up at top (society and its discourses are our big brother!)

    People were also encourage through pastoral power to "confess" there sexual sins in order to liberate themselves. The idea was that people could liberate themselves by confessing the truth that was deep within them. The pleasure of exposing oneself and there was a certain type of pleasure in hearing a confession. Power here is expressive, not repressive. Sexuality wasn't perverse, society was perverse for creating this idea of sexuality as "truth and taking pleasure in confessing these "truth." (Foucault compares a lot of this to ancient Greek culture and how differently that thought of sex-- basically, as something so private is should not be even talked about. It was almost equated to a private art.) Thus, power here also works under the veil of trying to "free: us. Confessing our sexuality is seen as freedom, but really, its just creating categories that control us.

    Overall, our problems with sexuality lies in its discourses and it being seen as an object os science (scientia sexualis). The rising popularity of science and empiricism helped to contribute to the modern understanding of sexuality, as there was a blurring of the political and the biological. The problem is not the repression of sex, but the focus on it, allowing our sexual identifies to control us, to define us. Its intentional, but non-subjective. Sex is an instrument of power, a phenomenon that has developed over time by practices and discourses that have been slowly inserted in society. However, the idea of sexuality as "truth" acts as a form of power that inhibit individuals from forming more personal and ethical relationships to themselves and others.

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  3. I greatly enjoyed The History of Sexuality because although some of it was a bit wordy, the concepts were easy to understand and interesting. What I found most related and relevant to the course was the concept of sex as a “taboo.” During the 19th century sex was considered to be hidden and basic. Sex was basic because anything outside of the norm was considered a “perversion.” This reading draws heavily on the fact that “pleasure” is an all right emotion to experience during sex. It states, “first and foremost in relation to itself; it is experienced as pleasure, evaluated in terms of intensity, its specific quality, its duration, its reverberations in the body and the soul” (57).

    The History of Sexuality states about certain societies “truth is drawn from pleasure itself, understood as a practice and accumulated as experience” (57). Truth is an interesting concept that I would like to go over in this reading. The reading talks of doctors closing their ears to sex and never looking at the “truth of sex” and how it “became something fundamental, useful, or dangerous, precious or formidable: in short, that sex was constituted as a problem of truth” (56).

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  4. I found this reading very interesting. I was fascinated by his explanation that people are searching for the truth of sex and as if it had a secret. He discussed how in ars erotica the truth is drawn from the pleasure. In scientia sexualis, truth is drawn from the confession. I don't know if I missed the overall message when reading this but did he ever say what the truth or secret of sex actually was? Towards the end he mentions that we demand sex speak the truth but it is oblivious to our nature so instead we demand sex tell out truth; the truth about ourselves. What exactly does that mean?

    I found the discussion on confession interesting. I never realized that in our society we do confess a lot and place a lot of emphasis on that. We confess our crimes, sins, desires, problems etc. I thought there was an interesting dichotomy between speaking about sex, finding the truth and keeping it a secret; "the obligation to conceal it was but another aspect of the duty to admit it" (61). You have to admit it and talk about it yet keep it a secret. He later goes on to talk about how now you have to give more detailed responses and really talk about and investigate people's pleasure.

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  5. I also found Foucault's points on confession, and how it seemed to contradict with the standard of repression, interesting. I'm not sure I completely understood all of his points, but while I was reading it made me think of our own society's double standards regarding sex. We seem to have a very sexualized society, especially evident in the media, but this does not mean we are free from social stigmas relating to sexuality. For example, in my experience for men sex is generally portrayed almost like a rite of passage. For women, it is seen as a loss, something to be avoided, but sought after at the same time. Women also tend to be stigmatized both for having too much sex and for not having enough. It's just interesting how complicated society can make something that should just be a natural part of life.

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  6. I found Foucalt's arguments to be much more coherent than those several previous authors that we've read, and because of this I was able to relate his points on confession to modern day society. On page 63, Foucalt states, "It is no longer a question simply of saying what was done - the sexual act - and how it was done; but of reconstructing, in and around the act, the thoughts that recapitulated it, the obsessions that accompanied it, the images, desires, modulations, and quality of pleasure that animated it." He calls this a "dissemination" of the traditional Catholic confession, which made me question whether this phenomenon of confession as a way of discovering the truth about sex, more specifically "normal" sex. I think that a blatantly secularized example from late 90's pop culture would be the television show "Sex and the City". The women on the show not only talk to each other about and react to each others' sexual lives, thereby defining what is currently considered normal, but also presented these risque topics for the audience to judge.

    Critics of the show rebuke its indecency and call its explicitness pornographic. While certain scenes definitely fall into the realm of mature audiences, I believe that some of the graphicness enhances the show's confessional qualities. The producers didn't leave much to the imagination, but we should reassess whether our generation is simply bawdy and sex-obsessed, or whether this lack of censorship adds something to the elusive truth of sex.

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    1. Sex in the City is actually a brilliant example of a contemporary and confessional discourse on sexuality, I think; my first thought on reading this was 'why didn't I think of that?'

      My sense is that Foucault would see the debate over whether it's too explicit as somewhat beside the point--which isn't to say that it _is_ beside the point, but only that it's not the sort of argument he thinks is useful (insofar as a licit/illicit or visible/insvisible binary structures it). I think Foucault would be interested in the relation of sexuality to - Carrie's shoes.

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